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Brigitte Mihok {*}

Roma in Eastern Europe

Poverty, Exclusion and Approaches to Integration


From: Stimmen der Zeit, 6/2010, P. 377-388
webmaster's own, not authorized translation


    The economic changes in Eastern Europe have lead to impoverishment and marginalization of the Roma population there. Taking the example of health care and education, BRIGITTE MIHOK, researcher at the Center for Research on Antisemitism in Berlin gives a detailed survey of the social status of Roma in different countries and shows how EU funds can be used more effectively to integrate them.


Due to the political changes after 1989, statutory minority guarantees and opportunities to establish political and cultural self-organizations were granted to the Roma population in all the countries of Eastern Europe. The economic change on the other hand led to impoverishment and marginalization of a section of this population group. Those who have lost their jobs have little chance to adapt to the changing labour market. Due to lack of official documents such as birth certificates, identification cards or registration cards many of them are excluded from social welfare and healthcare. Fewer and fewer children from the suburban and rural communities get adequate educational opportunities.


Heterogeneity and Differentiation

Since the 14th/15th century Roma are resident in the East European region and are a heterogeneous group that is highly differentiated by the social aspect and has to be differentiated according to the criteria of settlement areas, language, religion, integration and marginalization {l}. In Romania there are approximately 1.2 million Roma (6.7% of the total population), in Hungary about 500,000 (5%), Slovakia also 500,000 (9.4%) and the Czech Republic 200,000 (2%).

Contrary to popular belief, all Roma lead since the 70's a settled life, so that neither "nomadism" or "homelessness" are formative phenomena for them. Their geographical location, however, is formative. It is tantamount to a spatial segregation or isolation: in Hungary two thirds of Roma live in economically underdeveloped regions, 40 percent of them in small isolated villages in very poor housing and living conditions {2}. In the northeast, they form the majority population in some municipalities. In Romania, 60 percent of Roma live in rural areas; the majority of the urban Roma population lives in dilapidated suburban settlements, in shacks or on landfills. In the Czech Republic most Roma live in ghetto settlements in the immediate vicinity of the industrial centers of northern Moravia (Ostrava, Karviná), North Bohemia (Decín, Ústí nad Labem) and in the vicinity of Prague and Brno.



In Slovakia, in the outskirts of towns and villages we find numerous settlements that are almost exclusively inhabited by Roma. In addition to the poor indoor environment quality these settlements have a poor infrastructure. Most of them are located in Eastern Slovakia, in the regions of Prešov, Košice and Banská Bystrica {3}.

On the whole, the Roma mostly profess the religion of the surrounding majority population. Since 1990, however, rather a turn to the free church communities (including Adventists, Pentecostals) and to the Jehovah's Witnesses is ascertainable.

With regard to the social stratification, a small part is integrated into society due to its technical skills, another small part ranks among the established traditional communities {4}, but the majority is formed by the layer of unqualified people {5}. The polarization between the established traditional communities and the unskilled labourers is particularly striking. By finding alternative employment and new market niches, the established traditional communities have since 1990 adapted themselves. In addition to strengthening their economic position, an growing adaptation to the lifestyle of the middle class is recognizable. The families attach great value to the quality of living and to indoor environment quality (the facilities of the house include central heating, water, telephone, television), and their children attend kindergarten and school. Characteristics of these communities are preserving the traditional family structure and the orientation towards traditional norms and value systems. In contrast, during the same period those Roma who had been active as unskilled workers have lost their jobs, when the unprofitable businesses were closed.

But it falls into oblivion that up to the end of the 80ies in all east European countries the Roma were the much-needed unskilled laborers, and that they were part of the underprivileged social class that had no chance of social advancement. In Hungary in the early 80s 85.2 percent of the employable Roma and 30 percent of the Romnia (Roma women) were in employment. Of these, however, only a tenth was employed as skilled workers; the majority performed ancillary activities and agricultural seasonal and part-time jobs at minimum payment {6}. At the end of the 70ies in Czechoslovakia 87 percent of the men in working age and 35 percent of women were integrated in the working life {7}. By closing or restructuring of inefficient enterprises since 1990, first the unskilled workers lost their jobs.

In rural regions, however, the closure of the cooperatives and the reprivatization of agricultural land resulted in an economic disadvantage of the Roma, including the loss of seasonal employment and insufficient involvement in the land distribution {8}.



The result of these developments was the loss of the economic basis of existence, insolvency and debt (rent arrears, unpaid electricity or gas bills). In recent years, the evictions have increased, many families slipped to the status of "illegal residence". The chances of finding a new job are still low. In order to secure their livelihood, for many people the only remaining option is to accept the constantly changing temporary work and day labourers' services; or they earn their income from the black economy {9}; on which the attributes of illegality and crime are imposed. Thus, the so-called dispensable labor pool is meanwhile formed by unskilled workers who were needed until 1989.


Missing Documents and Exclusion from the Social Security System

In many countries, a part of the Roma has no birth certificates or identity cards {10}. People who have no identity papers cannot be registered at their place of residence. They have therefore no official proof of a fixed abode, which is required to apply for unemployment or social benefits and to register children in school. The evidence of a fixed abode can also not be given by many of the families that are illegally living in cities in alternating accomodations or in the slums at the outskirts. Contrary to popular belief that the Roma do not want documents, there are rather administrative mechanisms that lead to this bad state of affairs. This became most apparent in Romania: In the years 2000-2004 the problem of missing official documents was the topic of various Romanian studies and debates {11}. Although the issuing and validating of identity papers is one of the core tasks of national and local administrations, there was no institutional effort to resolve these shortcomings. It was only when the EU made available funds for issuing identification documents for the Roma {12}, numerous counties were prepared to fulfill their obligation and to promote the issuing of documents.

A study presented by the Romanian Research Institute for Quality of Life shows that in Romania a large number of people have no birth certificates {13}. According to it about 4.8 percent of the Roma who were born after 1989 have no birth certificates. Two causes are specified: Increased costs for issuing the documents, and the refusal of the maternity hospitals to issue provisional birth certificates. This means that it is impossible for these children to attend kindergarten or school, and their families can neither make an application for child benefit nor for social benefits.



The basic social security for the unemployed or social assistance cannot be invoked in many cases. First, many of those who are living in suburban settlements or in rural areas do not know where and how applications are made. Second, they have difficulties to complete the necessary forms. Thirdly, due to their "illegal residence" many Roma can not at all apply for support. Since many Roma perform ever-changing temporary jobs, they have no employment papers, which are needed for the unemployment benefit and pension entitlement. Some of them have simply no identity card; others can, due to rent arrears, not make an application.

In the 90ies numerous local authorities in Romania have, due to financial constraints, denied or terminated the social welfare to the Roma {14}. Since the control of the implementation of social welfare laws was lacking, the municipalities themselves largely decided whether and to what extent Roma receive social support. In order to remedy these abuses, the payment arrangements have been changed by the social welfare legislation, which is valid since 2002. To relieve the local budget, the competent mayoralty may get per verified beneficiary a compensation from the state budget. To what extent this law is effective and whether the Roma are adequately recognized as claimants has not yet been studied.

Another development is worrisome: For those people who either secure a livelihood from the black economy or perform day laborers' services and temporary jobs, there are no social or health safeguards. Later, they can also not prove their pension entitlements.


Inadequate Medical Care

The lack of official documents also leads to exclusion from the regulated health care. In Romania, for the medical care of the poor with no or low incomes a certificate is needed that is only issued by the city council if an unemployment or public assistance registration has taken place. This in turn means that all those who have no birth certificates, identity documents or registration cards get no free drug prescriptions and are excluded from the regulated health care. Children and young people who have no birth certificates, can neither get the necessary vaccinations for children nor be included in the preventive medical checkups.

In Slovakia, most Roma have a health insurance. Even those who are living in isolated scattered settlements are protected by government support for health insurance.



In eastern Slovakia there is an obvious segregation and discrimination in the gynaecological hospitals or maternity wards. In the hospitals of Jarovnice, Košice Nemonica SNP, Spišská Nova Ves, Stará L'ubovna and Trebišov Romnia are placed and treated in separate rooms. They have to use separate bath and dining rooms {15}. In the late '90s some health centers have limited the examination times for Romnia. For pregnant women from the district Lunik IX in Kosice, one of the largest Slovak Roma settlements, the gynecologic health center is responsible. Since 1997, only Friday, twelve to 14 clock, is provided for preventive checkups of these women by the physicians. Outside of this narrow schedule the doctors refuse examinations, even if it is about emergencies (16).

There are no nationwide studies on the health situation and medical care. Individual local reports indicate the increasing spread of diseases such as tuberculosis, asthma, rheumatism. Epidemics of hepatitis and meningitis are also frequently mentioned {17}. The reasons for this can be found both in the catastrophic housing situation without clean drinking water and heating and in the lack of medical care. Worst of all is the situation in the rural dispersed settlements, because they have an unequal access to medical emergency services. This is due to the unfavorable location of the settlements, the lack of transportation to and from the settlements, sometimes simply to lacking telephone lines, and so they cannot call an emergency service. On the other hand, doctors and emergency services often refuse to go to the settlements and to offer assistance.

In most countries the life expectancy of Roma is considerably lower than that of the majority population. In the Czech Republic the life expectancy of the male Roma population is 55 years (the national average is 67) and that of the Romnia 59 years (national average is 74) {18}. In Romania the life expectancy of the Roma is 54 years (national average 68 years), and in Hungary 56 years (national average 68 years).


Exclusion in Education

The assessment of the educational opportunities of Roma children requires a differentiated approach taking into account social criteria. In the established traditional Roma communities the attitude has become firmly established that children need a general school education. They also have the material means to grant their children an education. The children attend the kindergarten as well as the elementary school. A secondary school (technical college or grammar school), however, is still of secondary importance.

Nevertheless, developments are visible which signal that in these communities attention is given increasingly to further education.



With the main objective to encourage young people to study, the Hungarian Gandhi Foundation opened in 1994 in Pécs the first Roma high school. The schoolchildren who are accommodated in a boarding school are mainly members of the traditional Boyash Group and Hungarian children from the villages and small towns of the south and southwest of Hungary. In the Czech Republic Emil Scuka, president of the Roma in the Czech Republic founded in 1992 in Kolín the first Romani high school. Here, too, the first high school graduates have successfully finished their school attendance. Both initiatives illustrate the acceptance of this form of education, and they dispel the widespread prejudice that the rejection of formal education was an element of the Roma culture.

Those families that live outside the Roma settlements and are integrated into society are trying to give an education to their children. While in rural regions as well as in the cities, the completion of primary education (eight classes) is unproblematic, difficulties mainly arise for the attendance of secondary schools in the rural areas. These schools are in the neighbouring cities. Many families can no longer afford the necessary costs of transport or of the boarding school, which have risen dramatically in recent years. However, if material and financial resources are available, the children attend secondary schools.

The educational situation for the children of socially disadvantaged families is quite different. They get only a poor education. In the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary the majority of children of this layer are enrolled in school, in Romania, however, a fifth of those Roma children (school-age seven to 16 years) is not enrolled. In all those countries the children reach only an inadequate school-leaving qualification, many go irregularly to primary school, others drop out prematurely, whereas others repeat the classes and reach finally only at the age of 16 or 18 years a primary school degree. The reasons for the inadequate schooling are diverse: from poverty, lack of motivation and lack of official documents up to institutional exclusion.

Those people who live in rural dispersed settlements have understandably less good starting conditions. There are usually no schools in these settlements. Due to the lack of public transportation the children have to cover large distances on foot to reach the nearest school of the neighboring village; this leads to irregular school attendance, and ultimately to school dropout. Against the background of existential needs numerous families are not aware of the importance of institutional education. The material privations are great: the children can hardly be dressed appropriate to the weather conditions, or be fed sufficiently, let alone equipped with school materials.



In many cases it is here about families that have more than three children under 15, and where in the best case the father is breadwinner. The incomes from the temporary or day laborers activities are not sufficient to raise the standard of living, to obtain an acceptable lodging, or to allow the children a better education. They are just enough to survive. This situation is reinforced due to the inability of many parents to support their children and the fact that the children must help in the household and in gainful activities. A school enrollment is anyway impossible if official documents are missing.


Referral to "Special Schools"

What is rarely reported are developments of ostracization in the area of education, which can be observed in most countries. Only a few children from the suburban settlements attend normal primary schools. The majority are sent to "special schools" for children with special needs, and another part to "homogenous Roma classes". Apart from the fact that this referral has to be regarded as an institutional discrimination, it obstructs the possibility of professional training for these young people.

Already in the 70ies, the backlog in the cognitive development of Roma children, which was allegedly detected on the occasion of the enrollment, was to a great extent equated with a "lack of intelligence" by the school administrators in the Eastern European countries. The result was that a high percentage of Roma children has been sent to "special schools" for mentally and physically disabled or to "special schools for children with intellectual disability". This trend continues until today.

In Czechoslovakia in the school year 1989/90 46.4 percent of Roma children were in special schools {19}. In the Czech Republic in the school year 1996/97 62.5 per cent of Roma children attended special schools {20}. Other local surveys from the school year 1998/99 indicate that in Ostrava 56 percent of pupils at special schools are Roma children, in Brno about 25 percent, in Bohumín 95 percent, in Ústí nad Labem and Ceske Budejovice more than 90 percent {21}. For Romania data from four cities are available: in 1995/96 in Arad 65 per cent, in Timisoara and Targu Mures 60 percent and in 1999/2000 in Cluj more than 70 percent of the pupils in special schools were Roma children.

The example "children's home with special school" of Targu Mures is to highlight the procedure of referral and the composition of the pupils in special schools. In the school year 1996 422 children were registered; 61 of them were external students who in the morning were brought and in the afternoon picked up by their parents, 196 were internal students who lived during school period in the children's home, and 165 were orphans {22}.



Under Romanian education act, the special schools are intended for "preschoolers and students with mental, physical, physiological, socio-affective, linguistic and behavioral deficits." The admission is made by an "expert commission" of the school board; the "Commission on the Protection of Minors" decides on the admission of orphans. Most of the orphans were able to attend a normal primary school, but the administrative process combines the need for accommodation with the existing capacity of the "children's homes with special school."

A closer look at this special school reveals that the conditions there, as e.g. regular food, shelter and clothing, are for many students much better than in their parental home. From the immediate perspective, they are in good hands there, but in the long run they are disadvantaged, because they cannot obtain an adequate school-leaving qualification. If some parents had had the appropriate financial resources, they probably had not agreed to the proposal of the school board but rather sent their children to a normal primary school.

The eight classes completed in special schools are only equivalent to six classes in regular schools, and further education is hardly possible with this school-leaving qualification. In addition, in these special schools one demands too little of children who were not mentally handicapped before the enrollment; they leave these schools as disadvantaged people and have little chance of integration into the world of employment.

Resistance against this obviously discriminatory practice of admission arises only recently. In 2000 the "European Roma Rights Centre" has instigated a legal appeal at the European Court of Human Rights on behalf of 18 Roma children who had been sent to special schools in Ostrava {23}. In November 2007 the court allowed the lawsuit and established that the right to education has been violated, because many Roma children were sent to special schools for the sole reason of their origin; at the same time the Czech government was called upon to take countermeasures {24}. In January 2010, in a report Amnesty International pointed out that the Czech government in 2005 had admittedly initiated and established an education reform in the new education act; but hardly anything has changed in the discriminatory segregation of the school system - except for renaming the schools {25}.


Homogenous Roma Classes

In Hungary already since the 60's temporary classes [Aushilfsklasse] or homogenous Roma classes were established in parallel with regular primary school classes. At that time, the Hungarian sociologist Csalog Zsolt pointed out that the admission of many children to such temporary classes was often not justified, but it served an economic purpose.



"In the fifth grade (age twelve) the child that has been admitted in the temporary class is at best able to read, and so the new recruits of unskilled labourers are secured for society." {26} While the demand for young unskilled workers has dramatically fallen since 1990, the homogeneous Roma classes have been preserved.

In Romania, since the school year 1995/96 the school authorities increasingly promote the establishment of homogenous Roma classes and post this trend under the heading "positive discrimination". Here is recognizable that the mother-tongue education is used as a pretext for the segregation of Roma children in the school system. Starting with the school year 1990/91 the school authorities approved the separate training of Roma primary school teachers in some "teacher colleges" (liceu pedagogic). In the school year 1995/96, the first graduates started working. Meanwhile more than 200 Roma teachers have been trained, most of them teach in homogenous Roma classes.

The pre-school education (kindergarten attendance) is given as a formal criterion of the segregation, but in reality one separates according to social criteria: Children from the lowest social strata are almost exclusively found in the homogenous Roma classes, whereas Roma children from the established traditional communities or integrated families attend mixed school classes. As justification for establishing homogenous Roma classes is quoted that the institution school acknowledges "starting-point differences" (i.e. disadvantages resulting from cultural, social and ethnic differences) and wants to resolve them by "special promotion". It is also argued that in these classes a time-limited preparation for the lessons in ethnically mixed schools is secured.

This claim turns out to be illusory in practice. There is de facto no possibility to resolve in homogenous Roma classes the starting-point differences and to attend a regular primary school class. On the one hand, in these classes the level of performance is too low to get the chance to go to the normal primary school; on the other hand, the teachers are often overburdened and insufficiently prepared for the real needs of Roma children and their starting-point differences. The class room and lessons equipment is less adequate than in the regular school classes. The apparent failure of these "special classes" is proved by the large number of older pupils and those who repeat a year and leave the primary school without adequate knowledge.

The insufficient primary education explains consistently the low number of Roma pupils in secondary schools, vocational schools and colleges. As long as at the basic levels of the educational system no significant improvements are made, it will be difficult to win enough young people over to further training.



Local Projects and Civic Commitment

The national governments' strategies to improve the situation of the Roma, which since 1999 in many countries are supported by EU funding, assume that structural and institutional changes will resolve the existing problems. One ignores thus the fact that changes have to be initiated from the bottom, i.e. they have to take the municipal level as starting-point. In most countries, the dilemma is that no measures are taken against the growing social exclusion; and educationally relevant strategies that should be oriented towards the need for action were until now hardly appealing. In the area of education, welfare and health, at the municipal level initiatives would be required which are oriented towards the specific local circumstances and based on civic commitment.

Support programs in education have to be purposefully oriented towards the promotion in kindergarten and primary school and the promotion of pupils from rural regions, who want to attend the secondary school. Without positive changes in these basic areas, there is little hope that this general inequality of opportunities will be changed for the better. Initiatives that organize and secure a pre-school education must be encouraged, because the majority of children who are sent to special schools would avoid this enrollment if they would get the opportunity to attend a kindergarten. Initiatives to offer afternoon care e.g. are important for pupils in suburban settlements, and scholarships for young people from the rural areas would open the doors to secondary education for them. The attendance of such schools often comes to nought because the parents cannot pay the ride to the nearest town.

Due to a lack of identity documents, birth certificates, registration cards or certificates of employment, a section of the Roma is excluded from the social security and health care. In order to deal effectively with it, it would be helpful to establish regional citizens' offices in rural areas or to promote initiatives to help with making applications, and to organize and put into action mobile teams of consultants in the settlements on the outskirts and in rural areas. A network of lawyers who in these issues represent the interests of Roma and provide legal advice could contribute to more integration into society.

Although there is an urgent need to act in the field of health care, only a few Eastern European non-governmental organizations are active in this area. They should be encouraged to create a network of qualified contacts and consultants, who accompany and support possible projects with their recommendations and advice. The main idea is here to ensure adequate health care to the elderly, because old-age poverty and poor medical care turn out to be particularly problematic for them.



Those who have no official documents are completely excluded from medical care, whereas others, due to lack of financial resources for transportation costs, cannot seek medical attention in nearby villages or towns. The considerations must therefore focus on setting up and supporting mobile medical services, which attend people and care for them.

Measures in this area would include: initiatives of establishing mobile medical services, a network of doctors, medical assistants and trainees, the organization of volunteer services on a fee basis to motivate voluntary medical missions in the Roma settlements. In order to promote regional pediatric projects for prevention and medical care, the establishment of a network of pediatricians would be necessary.

With regard to the potential risk of conflicts, the most common causes of which are poverty and economic deprivation of a section of the population, social and educational strategies should not be too long in coming. On that occasion also a rethinking about the project structure should take place. Instead of national plans or strategies a return to local community projects is required, which is based upon the policy options worked out by municipalities or municipal districts, and which involves those who are really the actors on the spot.



{1} See B. Mihok, Ethnostratifikation im Sozialismus, aufgezeigt an den Beispielländern Ungarn u. Rumänien (Frankfurt 1990); the same, Vergleichende Studie zur Situation der Minderheiten in Ungarn u. Rumänien (1989-1996) unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Roma (Frankfurt 1999).

{2} G. Havas, A kistelepülesek es a romäk (small settlements and Roma), in: A cigänyok Magyarorszägon (the gypsies in Hungaria), edited by F. Glatz (Budapest 1999) 163-165; I. Kemeny, A magyarorszägi romäk nepessegröl (About the Hungarian Roma population), in: Magyar Tudomäny 6 (1997) 654.

{3} I. Zoon, On the Margins. Roma and Public Services in Slovakia (New York 2001) 17-18.

{4} They are those Roma who since 1990 have secured a stable economic position as respected traders and appreciated craftsmen.

{5} Mihok, Vergleichende Studie (note 1) 167.

{6} A Magyarorszägi romäk (Roma in Ungarn), edited by I. Kemeny (Budapest 2000) 90.

{7} B. Daniel, Geschichte der Roma in Böhmen, Mähren u. der Slowakei (Frankfurt 1998) 192.

{8} See V. Burtea, For an Equalisation of Chances, in: The Roma Education Resource Book, edited by Open Society Institute, volume 1 (1999). (as of 25. 3. 2010).

{9} Romii in Romänia (Roma in Romania), edited by C. Zamfir and M. Preda (Bucuresti 2002) 177: in Romania 41,7 percent of Roma able to work are day-labourer.

{10} B. Mihok, Soziale Ausgrenzung u. Bildungssegregation. Roma in Rumänien, Ungarn, Tschechien u. der Slowakei, in: Osteuropa 54 (2004) issue 1, 28-42.



{11} See the relevant Romanian debates in J. Krauß, Integration mit Widerständen. Die Roma in Rumänien. in: Osteuropa 57 (2007) issue 11, 241-251, 248.

{12} PHARE-Programm R02005/017-553.01.01, Accelerarea implementärii strategiei nationale pentru imbunätätirea situatiei romilor (The acceleration of the national strategy to improve the situation of the Roma), Projekt "Identitate proprie intr-un spatiu european" (own identity in a European area); on that occasion thousands of identity cards, birth and marriage certificates were issued.

{13} Romii in Romania (note 9) 288-290.

{14} Roma Rights 2, edited by European Roma Rights Center (2002) 58.

{15} Zoon (note 3) 71.

{16} In the same place 70.

{17} Minority Protection in EU Accession Process, edited by Open Society Institute (Budapest 2001) 37; A. Pomykala, Romani Women and Access to Public Health Care. Final Draft Report to the Migration Roma/Gypsies Division of the Council of Europe (Strasbourg 2002) 15; L. Puporka u. Z. Zádori, The Health status of romas in Hungary (Budapest 1998).

{18} K. Kalibová, The Roma in Statistics and Demography, in: The Roma in the Czech Republic (Prague 1999).

{19} D. Canek, Ethnic Minorities in Czech Schools, 1945-1998 (London 2000).

{20} K. Holomek, The Romani Minority in the Czech Republic, in: Ethnic Minorities in Central Europe, edited by I. Gabal (Prague 1999) 160.

{21} European Roma Rights Center, A Special Remedy. Roma and Schools for the Mentally Handicapped in the Czech Republic (Budapest 1999) 22-27; the same, Stigmata: Segregated Schooling of Roma in Central and Eastern Europe, a survey of patterns of segregated education of Roma in Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia (Budapest 2004); Open Society Institute, Monitoring Education for Roma: Statistical Baseline for Central, Eastern, and South Eastern Europe (Budapest 2006).

{22} B. Mihok, Die Situation der Roma im siebenbürgischen Landkreis Mure§ u. die Entwicklung von Sensibilisierungsstrategien gegenüber der Roma-Minderheit. Arbeitsblätter der Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Nr. 5 (Köln 1996) 20-21.

{23} See European Roma Rights Center, Ostrava case: D. H. and others versus the Czech Republic: (as of 25.3.2010).

{24} Amnesty International, Injustice renamed. Discrimination in education of Roma persists in Czech Republic (London 2010) 11 f.

{25} Since 2005 the former special schools have been renamed in "practical primary schools" or "special primary schools"; see about it in the same place 14.

{26} Z. Csalog, A Szolnok megyei cigänyok helyzete (the situation of the gypsies in the district Szolnok), in: I. Kemeny, Beszämolei a magyarorszägi cigänyok helyzetevel foglalkozö 1971-ben vegzett kutatäsröl (report on the research of 1971 on the situation of the Hungarian gypsies) (Budapest 1976) 116.


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