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Heinz Werner Wessler

Mahatma Gandhi in the Age of Fight Against Terrorism

100 Years of "Hind Swaraj"

 

From: Stimmen der Zeit, 12/2009, P. 795-806
webmaster's own, not authorized translation

 

    Mahatma Gandhi's anti-colonialist manifesto "Hind Swaraj" was of great importance in India's fight for independence. Hundred years after its appearance HEINZ WERNER WESSLER, research assistant at the Institute of Oriental and Asian Studies (Department of Indian Studies), University of Bonn, inquires about the topicality of this classic.

 

In many former colonies the national commemoration of the attainment of independence is connected with the memory of a guerrilla determined to do anything, of battles with lots of casualties, of the blood of martyrs for the national cause, and of a victory that nevertheless has finally been wrested from fate by militant strength. In British India, too, there were sporadic violent resistance, secret circles of terrorism, bomb tinkerers and utterly fearless assassins that now in modern Indian languages are rooted in the memory of the nation through an Arabic loanword "Shahid" (martyr). In addition, in the Second World War there was the so-called Indian National Army (INA), which was able in alliance with Japan to push ahead to a certain extent from Burma into the Indian northeast and which today in India is definitely highly esteemed. We also shouldn't forget the little Indian Legion that in Nazi Germany was recruited from Allied prisoners of war; they lived on dreams of a breakthrough of the Eastern Front to Central Asia and on the invasion of the Indian subcontinent via Afghanistan {l}.

Even if in India there is today an honorable remembrance of the leaders of the Indian Legion and the Indian National Army (INA), Subhash Chandra Bose (1897-1945), India's struggle for independence is especially noteworthy for the fact that it has certainly not been fought with pathetic propensity to violence in the name of people, nation or religion. The fight with weapons was only a secondary arena in this confrontation. Rather, it was the non-violent mass mobilization that challenged the pax Britannica and finally forced the mother country of the Empire to give in. Less than four decades after the publication of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi's (1869-1948) anti-colonial manifesto "Hind Swaraj" ("Indian self-government") 100 years ago (1909) India and Pakistan were indeed independent (1947) and thus triggered globally the domino effect of the great wave of decolonization. Within a few years, the hitherto seemingly for eternity established British Empire and other European colonial empires crumbled away except for some minor remainders. In all the mischief that during the violent 20th century has befallen humankind, this struggle for independence appears like a lone light, although shadowed by the traumatic population exchange, the unrests of division and the thus caused and until today barely curbed enmity between India and Pakistan, which since 1998 without much opposition from the international community advanced to modern nuclear powers.

 


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Would not world history have gone differently and much bloodier, if Mahatma Gandhi and his nonviolent resistance had not existed? Certainly, this question is hypothetical. What can be said is that Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela, Lech Walesa and Vaclav Havel were deeply impressed by Gandhi and his "adherence to the truth" (satyagraha), and they got from here the confidence that by nonviolent actions for justice, and by the masses' peaceful willingness to make sacrifices a state could be made {2}. Without Gandhi, perhaps there would have taken place no prayers for peace in the Nikolai Church in Leipzig, no peaceful Monday demonstrations, possibly also no fall of the wall and no reunification of Germany.

However, Gandhi's Satyagraha has retained its fascination to the present day not only as a method of mass mobilization. This was incidentally not what Gandhi had in mind, because he understood his approach not only as a method but also as a philosophy, even as a religion and moral standard at the same time. Gandhi strictly rejected an instrumentalization of Satyagraha {3}. That's why Martin Luther King's Gandhi interpretation was characterized by a theological approach. Just his Gandhi reading induced him to a far-reaching correction of his earlier conviction of the individualistic nature of the Christian commandment to love our enemies. The "force of love" became for King a strategy of collective transformation, namely of countering the wicked by collective non-violent resistance. King frankly admitted that the counterfactual "We Shall Overcome" lives from what he had learned of Gandhi's Satyagraha. Gandhi thus became quasi the mastermind of the civil rights movement of the 60s in the U.S.. King's preoccupation with Mahatma Gandhi and his Satyagraha was not an individual discovery. It was rather moulded by Mordecai Johnson (1890-1976), the black American preacher and longtime president of Howard University, where King had studied theology. The idea of nonviolent action coined by Gandhi was spontaneously adopted by the black American theology {4}.

 

The South Asian Context

Ghandi, who in India is also affectionately addressed Bapuji (father), wrote "Hind Swaraj ("India's Self-government") during his eleven-day journey on the "Kildonan Castle" from London, where he had spent three months, to South Africa {5}.

 


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This was no accident. Before the beginning of the era of intercontinental flights, the voyages lasting weeks repeatedly gave great minds opportunity for enjoying creative leisure. This happened to the highly dedicated Gandhi, who in his long years in South Africa, Britain and India had developed into a self-assured political activist and at the same time a deeply religious person. Thus, in the serene atmosphere on board the ocean liner and without the distractions of reading the current newspapers, Gandhi purposefully worked on the long-planned fundamental treatise on his vision for India and the way there, which he wrote down in his mother tongue Gujarati. The Gujarati original and the English translation were published even in the same year in India.

With regard to contemporary history, Gandhi's classic on anti-colonialism and non-violent action was by no means written on an island of the blessed, but rather in a complicated mélange of day-to-day politics. By using the methods of nonviolent action in South Africa Gandhi had succeeded in prevailing upon the British colonial power to make concessions to the ethnic Indian population, and thus at the same time also in winning the population group represented by him over to his methods. Since the first Satyagraha campaign in 1906, when Gandhi was brutally beaten up during the burning of compulsory registration cards for Indians, he had gained some experience and established his reputation as a fighter for civil rights of the discriminated Indian immigrants.

In the mother country India, too, one had paid close attention to this self-sacrificing struggle against restrictive immigration rules, against the police registration of the South Asian immigrants who were condescendingly called "coolies", and against the ever-present discrimination. Concurrently, during the administrative division of Bengal in 1905, which was opposed by the Indian nationalists, a different, violent resistance movement emerged that made feelings run high. For the first time since the massive military uprising of 1857/58 in Bengal circles of conspirators came into being, which armed themselves and planned to murder the British colonial masters. They sought and found sacred Hindu scriptures and traditions that seemed to support their ambitions for the violent struggle against foreign domination. They wanted to take the call of the god Krishna to Arjuna to fight in the war against his own kinsmen, against the background of which the famous philosophical discussion of the Bhagavad Gita unfolds, literally and not only symbolically seriously; Arjuna had eventually to follow his warrior ethos and to go off to war {6}. The young nationalists wanted to imitate it. Non-violence became a sign of weakness for them.

One of the first of those who campaigned openly for the struggle for independence was the editor of "Bande Mataram", the mouthpiece of the National Party, Aurobindo Ghose (1872-1950), who was arrested in 1908 for seditious activities.

 


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When he had to be acquitted in May 1909, he had admittedly turned entirely his back on daily politics and turned to yoga. He moved into the French ruled Pondicherry in southern India, far away from his Bengal homeland, and became there under the name of Shree Aurobindo one of the recognized great gurus of the 20th century.

The Indian intellectuals as well as the Congress party founded in 1885 saw the division of Bengal as a political move of the colonial power; its goal was to split the Bengali opposition and to provoke Hindu Muslim animosity. The administrative reform separated the Muslim dominated East (now Bangladesh) and the Hindu-dominated West (now the Indian state of West Bengal) with its capital Kolkata (Calcutta).

The resistance had definitely got a mass base: For the first time there had been burning actions of Western-style clothing as an expression of a newly gained cultural nationalism. Even the Congress Party, which initially was very favourably disposed towards the colonial rule, in 1906 for the first time demanded "Swarar (self-government). It remained at first unclear whether that meant Indian participation in government or more. But the troublesome rhetoric of the resistance movement made it clear that the acceptance of the seemingly all-powerful British colonial rule was waning. Furthermore, it was also feared that the population could sooner or later show solidarity with the violent resistance.

In this contemporary context of an emerging anti-colonial movement in India, in 1909 Gandhi found himself on board the Kildonan Castle. Travel had already become quite his element. The threat of deprivation of caste in case of a cruise across the sea, which had still burdened him during his first voyage in 1888, was no longer of any importance. Gandhi had completed his studies in London, had - after a vain attempt in Bombay - become a successful lawyer in South Africa, had intensively busied himself with politics and society, philosophy and religion, and had become paterfamilias and volunteer medic in the Second Boer War (1899) and in the brutal crushing of the Zulu Rebellion (1906). He had completely read the Bible from front to back, and especially the Christian double commandment of love and the Sermon on the Mount have left a lasting impression on him. All this he describes candidly in his autobiography "My Experiments with Truth" (1927).

 

Reform and Revolt

The emergence of early or pre-forms of bourgeois civil society in the first third of the 19th century was already closely connected with internal Hindu reform issues, for which Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) had pointed the way.

 


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His theological reinterpretation of Hinduism as a substantially monotheistic religion was connected with the diagnosis of a current need for reform, especially with a very real human rights reform issue, namely the prohibition of widow burning. The East India Company, which after the battle of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764) had built up a long-term territorial rule over Bengal, for a long time resisted the call for a ban on the burning of widows. It expected nothing but trouble from interfering in religious matters of the people dominated by it, even if this intervention in terms of human rights was well-founded. For this reason, the Christian mission was prohibited on principle, missionaries who illegally entered the country were expelled. This ban was lifted only by the Charter of 1813 and under pressure from the British Lower House. The prohibition of widow-burning was only enacted in 1829, after Ram Mohan Roy and his colleagues had for years conducted a public campaign for this ban.

The burning of widows was admittedly practiced very seldom and is by no means backed even by major Hindu legal documents, but this inhuman practice illustrated apparently more than anything else the need to reform Hinduism. That's why Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-1928), Bipin Chandra Pal (1858-1932), Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920) and other thinkers and activists of the 19th century vehemently championed internal Hindu reforms both in the social and in theological field, where the goal was always to expose the very core of Hinduism in contrast to its historical distortions.

At the same time, many reformers enthused about the military resistance of the Marathas, especially of Shivaji's (1630-1680) fight against the Mughal Aurangzeb in the second half of the 17th century. In addition, James Todd (1782-1835) had with his research into the ancient traditions of Rajasthan unearthed many tales on knightly heroes that spurred the imagination of the reformers. They believed that the golden ancient Indian culture would have remained intact, if there had been more warlike heroism like that of the great Maratha leader Shivaji. Hinduism's poor ability to put up a fight appeared to them to be the cause of the decline. The formation of organizations and parties of the Hindu nationalism, as e.g. Hindu Mahasabha (1915), Hindu militia Rashtriya Svayamsevak Sangh (1925) or in the Maharashtra state the long-standing governing party Shiv Sena (1966), which is named after the Maratha leader Shivaji (1630-1680) and not after the god Shiva, is based on this even today still often quoted and very popular macro-interpretation of the history of Hindu religion. Some years ago, the main railway station and the international airport in Mumbai (Bombay) have been renamed after Shivaji, THE role model for the watchful Hinduism.

 


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"Hind Swaraj" initially found little favour in India. Only when in 1914 Mahatma Gandhi permanently returned from South Africa, where he had lived intermittently for more than 20 years of his life, an entirely new element came into the discourse on nationalism. He, too, knew the temptation to see the cause of India's and Hinduism's alleged military weakness and minor civilization in the loss of warlike virility. As a youth, Gandhi had even seen one of the reasons for the superiority of the English in their eating meat. Since his family lived on a strict vegetarian diet, he and a school friend had for a while secretly consumed meat outside the home, which he later deeply regretted and confessed to his critically ill father. But even after his arrival in October 1888 in order to study in England, he resisted the temptation to eat meat only because he had faithfully promised it his mother, as he emphasizes in his autobiography. Only the reading of a book by Henry Salt, which propagated the vegetarian diet {7}, and the encounter with convinced British vegetarians, where he gained his first organizational experience, formed him to the vegetarian for ideological reasons {8}. His uncompromising, missionary vegetarianism while studying in England was the beginning of his effective appearance in public.

Eighteen years later, after failed efforts to improve the situation of the South Asians of various religions in South Africa by means of petitions, Gandhi had in 1906 for the first time conducted a campaign of Satyagraha ("insistence on truth"), i.e. of active nonviolence in order to achieve political goals. Suddenly, the ability to endure physical and psychological suffering for the sake of a higher goal proved to be strength and not weakness. Ironically, the suffering of the brutal beatings of South African police officers made it clear to him, against all outward appearances, that the victim was able to affect the perpetrator or the perpetrator system. According to Ghandi, perpetrators and victims are always connected with each other by an internal bond; both are changed by the violence and by the reaction of the other. Provided that the victim has acquired the necessary inner strength, s/he is able to use subtly this inner band in order to influence the perpetrator in a deep layer of his spiritual life, namely via the instance of his/her conscience. The goal was here to induce the culprit to a "change of heart", for which Gandhi also used the Sanskrit neologism "hridayparivartan". The concept reminds of the Christian "metanoia". Thus, it is no wonder that the inner-Hindu criticism of Gandhi is not least arguing that his interpretation of Hinduism was disguised Christian motivated.

Strength and the willingness to endure hardship was therefore the prerequisite for Satyagraha. Gandhi wanted by no means to accept weakness and cowardice. In addition to this experience of the power of active nonviolence, he made in South Africa a second, very important experience, which had been of minor importance for the reform thinkers of the 19th century.

 


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Namely, a liberation movement that truly devotes itself to the interests of India has not only to make certain of the Muslim participation by talking in clichés but also to prevent that nationalistic views of history might offend the identity of Indian Muslims or even potentially question it. Thus, according to Ghandi's insight, violence does not begin with the finished action but on a much deeper, more subtle level of language and thought.

He had thus made the direct violence a subject of discussion in two policy areas: one in the field of anti-colonial struggle, the other in the field of interreligious violence, for which the concept "communalism" is used in South Asia. Although he made "the wiping away of tears from every eye" an ethical imperative for him personally, it was very difficult for Gandhi to make structural violence in the Indian society a subject of discussion, particularly the problem of discrimination against women and the inherent problem of the caste system: discrimination of the members of lower castes and Dalits. Today, many of those affected see the promotion of women and Dalits only as a fig leaf, as a seemingly devout self-presentation of the patriarchal system, behind which an unbroken conservative attitude of Mahatma is hidden {9}.

 

Hind Swaraj

When Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi wrote down his fundamental critique of colonialism, the manifesto "Hind Swaraj" during the voyage from Africa to India in 1909, he was not yet addressed with the title "Mahatma" (Great Soul). Only in 1915 the Nobel literature laureate Rabindranath Tagore called him so - that name then gained acceptance. It is hardly documented in the classic literature. Only once in the Bhagavad Gita it is used as a new honorary title for a man who liked it to appear as a representative of tradition but at the same time also to submit this tradition to a thorough self-examination.

"Hind Swaraj" develops a vision for an India without British rule. The substantiation of the call for "self-government" for India is here closely related to the question of "Ahinsa" (non-violence) and "Hinsa" (violence) in the Indian tradition. Ahinsa is not only a political strategy; rather it has to shape the Indian identity. It is thus a well-directed antithesis to the self-legitimation reflex of colonial rule, because according to the colonialist argument India would sink into chaos and war without the restraining and even civilizing force of British rule.

British imperialism in India saw itself in the self-righteous role of both the bringer of civilization and the impartial third party in a cultural sphere that was hopelessly segmented, even atomized in casts and religions, cultures and languages; without the regime imposed from the outside it would be wiped out through struggles for power and war.

 


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According to the "editor" who wrote "Hind Swaraj" during a peacetime brought by the pax Britannica (the treatise is written in the form of a scholarly dialogue - the 'voice of Gandhi' is constantly bombarded with counterarguments by the "reader") this peace was only nominal and a sign of cowardice (Gandhi, Collected Works 10, 25) {10}. It was the colonial pacification of the country that had led to emasculation and cowardice, so the thesis of Mahatma Gandhi.

However, strength does not lie in the ability to exercise any form of violence, including state violence, but in the "absence of fear". Gandhi admittedly was always remarkably responsive to the personal and less personal fears and hardships of his fellow men and political allies, but he could also be extremely rude when he thought he had to do with cowardice {11}. Direct violence is successful for the sole reason that it succeeds time and again in generating fear in its victims. Conversely, the threat of force will become empty if it can no longer intimidate, i.e. if it can no longer be implanted in a subtle way in the victim.

Closely connected with it is the sometimes withheld layer of Gandhi's thought where he criticizes civilization. The machine as a means of production or as a means of transportation is the epitome of man's alienation from himself, but also from God, from religion and from his spiritual path (CW 10, 24). Here it is about a religion that surpasses all the historical individual religions and which allows him the prophetic statement that transcends his own religion and says that Jesus of Nazareth was "little understood in Europe" (CW 13, 220f.). This approach via a transcendent religion possibly enables from the outside a better understanding of religious contents than among the members of this particular religion. In "Hind Swaraj" the powerful symbol of modern civilization and its evils is exactly the Indian rail system - for Gandhi it is the vital nerve of the imperial cycle of goods with its export of raw materials and import of manufactured goods so unfavourable for the colonial traders. But this did not prevent him throughout his life from using the rail as a means of transport.

Already in "Hind Swaraj" Gandhi heightens Ahinsa, the "non-violence" from the scope of practiced nonviolence to the normative area of ethics and philosophy of religion. He speaks of the "religion of Ahimsa" as "nonkilling" (CW 10, 31). In different contexts Gandhi admittedly commented on religion in the sense that all religions were paths to the same destination. This idealist philosophy of religion, which was developed in the 19th century by the philosophers of neo-Hinduism, appears in his writing in a broken form.

 


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True civilization is less obliged to the theoretical question of truth but rather a mode of conduct (CW 10, 36 et seq), which leads man for educational purposes on the path of duty: "Performance of duty" - here the semantics of the word "dharma" suggests "duty" or "performance of one's duty".

 

Limits of Nonviolence?

In his classic "Les Damnes de la terre" {12} Frantz Fanon (1925-1961) interprets the uprising and violence of the "wretched of the earth" as an expression of cultural spirit of resistance against colonial tyranny. In his historical preface of the first edition (1961) Jean-Paul Sartre forms the thesis that the rebellious violence of the colonially oppressed peoples against their master races - included is here also the then still idealized terrorist violence - healed the open wounds inflicted by the colonial rule: "Violence, like Achilles' spear, can heal the wounds that it has made." This is probably the extreme opposite standpoint to Mahatma Gandhi's emphatic nonviolence of strength.

Fanon's idealization of the peoples' rebellious violence under the yoke of colonization is now past. You can no longer seriously argue that the struggle of the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan is a legitimate form of counter-violence, even if it turns out that it is supported by the people or at least by parts of the people. Given the desperate situation of the landless population, abroad the long lasting brutal Maoist uprising in Nepal, too, could perhaps find a certain understanding but hardly sympathy or even enthusiasm. The times are changing, and the political preferences of the people. William Dalrymple {13} sees the in India and Pakistan highly honoured insurgents of 1857 as an early form of the modern Taliban, who in an anti-colonial context take up the interpretation of jihad in terms of violence, connected with the thought of massacring the enemy. They mobilize the people against the state order and construct from here their identity as insurgents in a religious context. The reference to the Islamic component is initially understood as a symbolic reference that was at that time unconstrained assumed by the rebellious Hindus. That was still in those days when no identity policy polarized Hinduism and Islam in South Asia.

In his book on "Revenge and Reconciliation" in the Indian tradition Rajmohan Gandhi portrays the motive of revenge as a matter of honour, yes, as a key structural element of South Asian life through the ages. Guide fossil for this motive of revenge is the Mahabharata epic. From here Rajmohan Gandhi, by the way a grandson of the Mahatma, draws a direct line into the present {14}.

 


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Blood trail of History

The religious legitimization of violence has a long tradition within Hinduism. As Karl-Heinz Golzio shows, many South Indian inscriptions of Colas and Calukyas refer to the violent spread of Shaivism and the direct violence against the South Indian Jainism as a form of equitable violence {15}. In them Lakulisha-Pashupata - an epithet of Shiva - is portrayed as victorious pursuer of the Jaina religion. Already the Pandya ruler Arikecari Maravarman (about 680-710) is said to have taken brutal action against the followers of the rival religion and to have impaled 8000 Jains, if we may believe the inscription. Even though this figure may be exaggerated, it nevertheless represents the spirit of the time, in which the hatred against the other religion turns into violence. In particular, the Virashaivas proved to be resolute opponents of Jainism. Numerous cases of usurpation of Jain temples by the Virashaivas are for instance also known.

The famous autobiographical representation of the Buddhist conversion of Ashoka in view of the horrors of the Kalinga campaign - today's Orissa - as it is handed down by contemporaries in the famous Ashoka inscriptions has a strange relationship to the question of the use of military force. The sight of the misery of the by Ashoka's victorious army displaced population induces Ashoka to reflect on the sorrowful nature of existence and is the basis of his conversion to Buddhism. But the at least conceivable permission for the return of the displaced population or even the abandonment of the province of Kalinga is out of the question.

Examples of such value conflicts between the religious commandment to prevent violence and the duty of the ruler to lead his kingdom and to enlarge it by accepting not only the defensive but also the aggressive war can be found in Indian history from virtually every era in numerous variants. The Jaina work "Prabhavacaritra of Prabhacandra and Pradyumnasuri" (about 1250) tells how the Caulukya King Kumarapala (1143-1172), who allegedly was converted to Jainism, terminated a campaign during the rainy season for the sole reason that in this season a lot more small organisms by the troop movement would lose their lives than in the dry seasons {16}. The ethical problem is therefore not the waging of war, whether in a defensive or aggressive war, but the unintended destruction of animal life as a side effect of the troop movement.

 


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Satyagraha and Subalterns

Mahatma Gandhi's concept of violence may come there to a border-line where the Self of entire individual or collective identities is already damaged and deeply hurt by power relationships. His commitment to the former untouchables, who were called by him "Harijan" ("God's Children") and who call themselves increasingly "Dalits", comes from a significantly patronizing approach that is not supported by the politically conscious Dalits and even violently rejected. In the 21st century, the re-reading of Gandhi will certainly have to keep this in mind and actively review it.

Dalits less and less allow to be fobbed off with seemingly well-meant attributions of their identity and social development concepts that come from outside to them. More than ever, they independently express their political and social rights, show each other their solidarity, look for political allies, and develop their own cultural and religious identity policies in the context of the assertion of identity beyond Hinduism and the frequently invoked "new humanism". The rise of the Maoist guerrillas in recent years, who are recruited mainly from landless Dalits, makes clear what enormous political and societal dynamite exists here. The Gandhian approach of service to the lowest in society is today (as predictable) largely evaporated. The path to social advancement and to a homogeneous Indian society goes via self-representation and education efforts. The question of an alternative modernization, as it is reflected in Gandhi's critique of civilization, is societally marginalized.

 

National Religious Identity Policies and Satyagraha

The "clinging to truth" may appear as an anachronism in times of fear of increased attractiveness of national religious identity policies, sectarian violence and terrorism. Gandhi's strength lay in his moral rigorism as regards the question of violence, which occupied him again and again in a new form. At the time of "Hind Swaraj" it seemed to be no more than a strange utopia that South Asia would actually be able to win its independence without violence. The British Empire and other European colonial empires appeared firmly built and their overseas territories well secured. Gandhi wrote in 1908 in a letter to Lord Ampthill in London:

"I have met practically no one who believes that India can ever become free without resort to violence."

 


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It is all the more remarkable that Gandhi's "Satyagraha" proved to be a success story. History in South Asia, as elsewhere in the world was and is above all one thing: the history of violence; nonviolence, however, is a hope that is scarcely fulfilled. Mahatma Gandhi's "Hind Swaraj", published in 1909, can be read as the articulate cry of a human being that is moved by longing for peace, as the yearning for a different world, a longing conceived as a political theory. Also in the era of atomic weapons in South Asia and other parts of the world it remains humankind's lasting civilizing task to build this world across cultures and religions.

 

NOTES

{1} See L. Günther, Von Indien nach Annaburg. Die Geschichte der indischen Legion u. des Kriegsgefangenenlagers in Deutschland (Berlin 2003); T. R. Sareen, Subhash Chandra Bose in Germany. A documentary study (1941-1944) (New Delhi 2007).

{2} See R. Hildebrandt and H.-J. Dyck, Von Gandhi bis Walesa. Gewaltfreier Kampf für Menschenrechte - Eine Dokumentation mit 181 Fotos (Berlin 1987); Th. Weber, Gandhi's peace army. The Shanti Sena and unarmed peacekeeping (Syracuse, N. Y 1996).

{3} See H. J. N. Horsburgh, Non-violence and aggression. A study of Gandhi's moral equivalent of war (New York 1968) 42 ff.

{4} See M. J. Nojeim, Gandhi and King. The power of nonviolent resistance (Westport, Conn. 2004).

{5} About Gandhi's life see D. Rothermund, Mahatma Gandhi. Der Revolutionär der Gewaltlosigkeit (München 1989) and S. Arp, Gandhi (Reinbek 2007).

{6} About the different interpretations of the Bhagavadgita in the 20th century see P. M. Thomas, 20th century Indian interpretations of Bhagavadgita. Tilak, Gandhi and Aurobindo (Delhi 1987).

{7} This is a booklet of Henry Salt under the title "A Plea for vegetarianism"; see B. Clark, and J. B. Foster, Henry S. Salt, socialist animal rights activist. An introduction to Sales a lover of animals, in: www.oae.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/13/4/468.pdf (access of 6.9.2009).

{8} Erikson deals with this process in his reflection on Gandhi's life under the chapter heading "From Vow to Vocation"; see E. H. Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Nonviolence (New York 1969) 141 et sequ.

{9} See Bh. Parekh, Colonialism, tradition and reform. An analysis of Gandhi's political discourse (New Delhi 1999) 228ff., who sees Gandhi in this and other points a great deal more positively.

{10} In future referred to in the text by the abbreviation CW.

{11} See about it pointedly under the chapter heading "The fear of cowardice" L. I. Rudolf and S. Hoeber-Rudolph, Postmodern Gandhi and other essays. Gandhi in the world and at home (Chicago 2006) 177ff.

{12} F. Fanon, Les damnes de la terre (1961) (Paris 2007).

{13} W Dalrymple, The last Mughal. The fall of a dynasty (London 2006).

{14} R. Gandhi, Revenge and reconciliation (New Delhi 1999).

{15} K.-H. Golzio, Das Problem von Toleranz u. Intoleranz in indischen Religionen anhand epigraphischer Quellen, in: Frank-Richard Hamm memorial volume: October 8, 1990, edited by H. Eimer (Bonn 1990) 89-102.

{16} In the same place 96 et sequ.

 

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